Sentenced To Death Because Of Where You Live: The Death Penalty’s Geographic BiasAmericans have become increasingly troubled by the profound flaws in our capital punishment system, including its astonishing error rate and its racial and socioeconomic biases. They are less aware of its disturbing geographical biases. The United States does not practice capital punishment. Isolated parts of it do. The death penalty is primarily a southern institution, as Death Penalty Information Center statistics establish. The State of Texas alone has accounted for over 37 percent of all executions in the U.S. since 1977, which marked the beginning of the nation’s modern death penalty era. Of the 32 executions carried out so far this year, Texas is responsible for half of them. Southern states accounted for 95 percent of the executions in 2008 (Texas alone accounted for about 50 percent). In 2007 (the last year for which statistics are available), juries returned 115 death sentences throughout the nation and, of these, over 60 percent were in the South. However, geographic bias does not exist only from region to region and from state to state. There are substantial geographic biases within states themselves. A 2002 study found that more than two-thirds of American counties have never imposed the death penalty since 1977. Only 3 percent (92 out of 3,066) of the nation’s counties account for 50 percent of its death sentences in that 32 year period. In Texas, over 33 percent of the prisoners on the state’s death row today come from one county — Harris County, where Houston is located. Harris County has rightly been called the capital of capital punishment. An Amnesty International publication from 2007 reported that if Harris County were a state, it would rank second behind Texas in total number of executions since 1977. Like virtually every other death penalty state, California, whose death row is the largest in the nation with a staggering 678 condemned inmates, suffers from similar geographic disparities. To view an interactive map demonstrating these disparities, click here. The overwhelming geographical bias of our capital punishment system is further evidence that the system is arbitrary and capricious — and fundamentally unfair. It is one more reason for us to join the rest of the civilized world and repeal our capital punishment statutes.
Reaction to Nichols' Verdict Reflects Common Misunderstanding of the Law(This op-ed was originally published in the Atlanta-Journal Constitution on January 2, 2009.) Brian Nichols' life sentence without parole has provoked angry reactions from many people. They argue that, given the heinousness of his crimes, if anyone deserves the death penalty Nichols does. But this argument reflects a fundamental misunderstanding of death penalty law. For over 30 years, the United States Supreme Court has consistently held that the decision to sentence a human being to death must be based not only on an assessment of the crime but also an assessment of the defendant's life history.A jury acts illegally if it sentences a defendant to death based solely on its assessment of the heinousness of his or her crime. Three jurors in the Nichols case apparently understood this central tenet of death penalty law. Unfortunately, many jurors serving in capital cases do not. In fact, numerous empirical studies — including an exhaustive study by the Capital Jury Project which conducted almost 1,200 juror interviews from 353 capital trials in 14 states, including Georgia — have demonstrated that jurors often act contrary to the law when deciding that the defendant must die. One of the biggest problems is that many jurors decide to impose a death sentence after hearing the facts of the crime but before the defendant has had an opportunity to present evidence of his life story, or what the law refers to as "mitigation" or "mitigating circumstances." The U.S. Constitution requires that jurors fully consider capital defendants' mitigation before deciding their punishment. The studies also demonstrate that many jurors miscomprehend the definition of mitigation. "Mitigation" is a legal term.It refers to facts about the defendant's character, background or history, or the nature or circumstances of the offense which, in fairness and mercy, legally constitute a basis for a sentence of life imprisonment without the possibility of release. It does not mean a legal defense or legal excuse for the crime such as duress or insanity at the time of the offense.Nor does it mean a lack of specific intent to kill or incompetency to stand trial. However, many jurors do not consider a mitigating circumstance an adequate reason to impose a life sentence as opposed to a death sentence unless it either proves that the killing was not deliberate or furnishes a legal excuse for the killing such as insanity or duress. Other serious problems revealed by the studies include:
Maryland Commission Calls for Repeal of Death PenaltyAfter four months of study, the Maryland Commission on Capital Punishment has called on the state to abolish the death penalty. In a 13-to-7 vote, the Governor-appointed commission concluded that capital punishment carries the “real possibility” of executing innocent people and is far too costly, with each death penalty case costing about $1.9 million more than a similar case in which the prosecution seeks a sentence of life imprisonment. The commission also found that the death penalty harms survivors of homicide victims, is racially, geographically and economically biased, and does not deter crime. The group includes prosecutors, lawmakers, clergy, law enforcement officials, a former death row inmate, and family members of murder victims. The repeal recommendation will be contained in a 110-page report presented to Governor Martin O’Malley, who opposes capital punishment. Let’s all hope that the Maryland General Assembly does the smart thing and votes to rid the state of capital punishment.
Troy Davis Case Proves Death Penalty Is Fatally FlawedThe U.S. death penalty system is a failed government program unworthy of a people that cherish fairness and justice. If we needed any further proof of this fact, the Troy Davis case seals the deal. On September 23, 2008, Troy Davis came within two hours of being executed. He was at least temporarily saved when the United States Supreme Court granted a last-minute stay to give it time to decide whether to review his case. But Troy is not out of the woods. If the Supreme Court decides not to take his case, he will once again face execution. Troy Davis has steadfastly maintained his innocence for all of the many years he has been imprisoned on Georgia's death row. An African-American, Davis was convicted of the murder of a white, off-duty Savannah Police Officer named Mark MacPhail in 1991. Not a shred of physical evidence links him to the crime. No murder weapon has been found. Nine non-police witnesses testified against him at trial, but all but two of these witnesses have either recanted their testimony or gave contradictory statements prior to Troy's trial. Some of the recanting witnesses now assert that they were coerced by police to say that Davis was the murderer. One of the witnesses who did not recant was seen acting suspiciously the night of Officer MacPhail's murder and has been heard boasting that he killed an off-duty police officer. As extraordinary as it seems, despite the collapse of the case against Troy Davis, and despite the pleas on Troy's behalf by such leading figures of moral authority as Pope Benedict XVI, former president Jimmy Carter and Nobel Peace Prize-winner Desmond Tutu (PDF), the State of Georgia still wants to execute him. This deeply troubling case illustrates four truths about our capital punishment system. First, it is fraught with error. In the past 35 years, 130 innocent death row inmates have been exonerated and released after years on death row, and eight men have been executed even though there were serious questions about their guilt. In other words, the system can't reliably determine who is guilty, let alone who deserves the death penalty. And, despite popular myths, DNA is no panacea to the scourge of wrongful convictions and executions. It is available in only 10 percent of all murder cases. That's Troy Davis' biggest problem. He cannot convince some death penalty supporters that he is innocent because there is no DNA evidence available to conclusively exclude him as the culprit. These supporters of capital punishment defend his conviction and death sentence by citing the flimsy evidence presented at his trial. But then they turn around and demand that Troy Davis prove his innocence with unassailable, irrefutable evidence. That's not how our capital punishment system should work. When it comes to the death penalty, innocence should never have to be proven beyond a shadow of a doubt. We must not execute a human being if there is any legitimate chance that he is innocent. Second, our judicial system can no longer monitor and control the use of capital punishment. Courts and legislators have made it so difficult for death-row inmates to challenge their convictions and death sentences that the system is unable to correct its own mistakes. It has become like an 18-wheeler barreling down a mountain, with no run-off lanes to stop it. Third, the death penalty is infected by economic discrimination. It's a poor man's penalty. It is about poor people receiving death sentences because their lawyers were too overworked and underfunded to properly represent them. Some politicians love to go around proclaiming their support for capital punishment but then they turn around and refuse to pay for a fair system. Capital defenders are given grossly inadequate time and resources to adequately defend their clients. We are seeing that again today with the funding crisis in Georgia's system of providing lawyers for poor people. Fourth, the death penalty discriminates on the basis of race. Study after study in state after state, including Georgia, has demonstrated that, everything else being equal, a defendant is about three to four times more likely to get a death sentence if he kills a white person than if he kills a person of color. And the combination most likely to get the death penalty is a black defendant convicted of killing a white victim. As former Supreme Court Justice Harry Blackmun declared: “race continues to play a major role in determining who shall live and who shall die.” In short, the Troy Davis case is a no brainer. The State of Georgia must not execute him. After all, as Justice Blackmun also once said, the execution of an innocent man comes perilously close to murder. Tags: Troy Davis
Slowing the Fast Track to Executions
Last week Attorney General Alberto Gonzales proposed regulations aimed at radically limiting the ability of federal courts to review the constitutionality of death sentences imposed in state courts. These regulations were issued pursuant to a little-noticed provision added at the last minute into the 2006 bill reauthorizing the USA Patriot Act.
The regulations have provoked a heated reaction from judges, law professors, and death penalty defenders, and the issue has received coverage in the New York Times, Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, and many other media outlets in recent days. The Capital Punishment Project opposes the Attorney General's unfair regulations. ACLU attorney Matt Stiegler recently told the National Law Journal: "The Department of Justice has a real opportunity here to play a meaningful role in this process and it seems not interested." Under the proposed regulations, for the first time the decision of whether to fast-track challenges to death sentences in particular states would be made by the Attorney General, not the federal courts. And, as the editors of the Fort Worth Star-Telegram recently observed, "the proposed rules don't seem to guard against all-too-real flaws in death penalty representation." The ACLU joined many others in urging the Attorney General to provide adequate time for the public to review and comment on the proposed regulations. This request was granted, and the Attorney General now will receive comments through September 24. |
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