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Jun 27th, 2008
Posted by Michael O. Allen, ACLU at 10:42am

Revolution: From Prisoner to the World's Moral Authority

Nelson Mandela, South Africa’s world-famous political prisoner who became his nation’s first democratically elected president, turns 90 years old this summer.

Fourteen years ago, under a full Autumn moon, about two poignant minutes apart before midnight and after — I witnessed a white soldier lower South Africa’s old flag for the last time and a black soldier raise his nation’s new colors.

The people of South Africa — including, for the first time, the majority black population — had gone to the polls in a jubilant, chaotic and epochal election and altered the course of their nation’s bitter history. A liberation election finally put the beast of apartheid in the grave and Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela into power as president of South Africa.

“I will concentrate on those things which give hope to all South Africans,” Mandela, who was the symbol and instrument of the anti-apartheid struggle, said on being elected.

The original white Dutch settlers arranged things so that whites would hold the power and wealth of the nation. Hendrik Verwoerd and his cohort in 1948 codified those policies into apartheid — the system of racist laws and policies by which South Africa’s 5.6 million whites oppressed 24 million blacks and others of mixed race for half a century. Verwoerd never expected blacks to vote. By the 1980’s, however, South Africa, the last colonial outpost on the African continent, had become a pariah nation, apartheid reviled, its economy tottering on the edge of collapsing from the strain of sanctions and the unrelenting violence of the liberation struggle.

Then-president F.W. de Klerk told the Times of London the reason apartheid had to end:

“A more conservative government might possibly keep the lid on the pot for another five years. But, after that, the pot will explode and blow us and our future into the air.”

He found an essential partner in Nelson Mandela. Mandela, born July 18, 1918, was a lawyer, then an activist and, finally, an opponent of apartheid. South Africa's white government put Mandela on trial for treason in 1963. At his sentencing, Mandela proclaimed his ideals:

During my lifetime I have dedicated myself to this struggle of the African people. I have fought against white domination and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and achieve. But, if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.
Mandela was imprisoned and held on the harsh Robben Island for 27 years, during which his legend grew almost too great for any one man to bear.

“I am not prepared to sell the birthright of the people to be free,” he once proclaimed to his jailers on being offered freedom in exchange for giving up the fight against apartheid. He had received numerous such offers since 1963. De Klerk, six months after assuming the presidency, lifted the ban on political activity by Mandela’s group, the African National Congress, and gave Mandela his unconditional release from prison.

De Klerk and the old liberation fighter then hammered out a new Constitution for South Africa.

When Mandela won the presidency, following the 1994 election, it was a remarkable transition to which I was a witness: for perhaps the first time in human history, a tyrannical leadership voluntarily gave up power to the very people it had long oppressed. Mandela, at his moment of triumph, spoke from his heart and danced like a boy. It was a victorious day for all South Africans, he proclaimed. “The people have won.”

But no one knew better than de Klerk how bitter the struggle ahead could be.

“Mr. Mandela has walked a long road and stands at the top of the hill,” de Klerk said. “A traveler would sit down and admire the view, but a man of destiny knows that behind this hill lies another hill, and another. The journey is never complete.”

To win South Africa's presidency, though a great leap forward, was a poisoned chalice: A lifeboat with too many people on one side, Mandela must steer the country through dangerous waters: ethnic rivalry, black anger and white anxiety. For whites, would they flee the country or cower in their homes awaiting the black horde to come and take away the wealth they spent a lifetime accruing? And for the long oppressed majority black population, how could anyone, even their beloved Mandela, counsel patience at this moment of their triumph?

The problems facing Mandela and his new government were staggering: 40 percent unemployment, 50 percent illiteracy, widespread crime and political violence that had killed more than 11,000 people since 1990, ethnic polarization and the impatience of tens of millions of blacks demanding a better life now that apartheid is over.

Those very early years after the historic election were perhaps the most dangerous for the new nation of South Africa. A less sure hand and the country would quickly slide into chaos. Mandela led by example. He served one term in the presidency and yielded power to a successor, an exceptional transition on the continent of Africa, where liberators soon turn to despots.

But no one should have expected anything different from the courageous Mandela; he is fond of saying “If you are in harmony with yourself, you may meet a lion without fear.”

Although the actual date is not until July 18, many around the world have already begun saying “Happy 90th birthday, Madiba!” with more than 20 events around the world through the year, including a kick-off birthday concert today in London’s Hyde Park.

Tags: Civil Liberties News

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3 Responses to "Revolution: From Prisoner to the World's Moral Authority"

  1. Jackson Landers Says:

    Off-topic here, but I can't help but notice a glaring omission from this blog over the last 48 hours. The Supreme Court issued a huge, historic ruling establishing for certain that the 2nd Amendment is in fact an individual right rather than a collective one.

    Yet you have completely ignored this. What's up with that? C'mon, be brave. Address it.

    I understand that the ACLU's position in the past has been that, based on some lower court rulings and speculation, the 2nd Amendment is (or was) a collective right rather than an individual one. Therefore you have ignored 2nd Amendment issues and cases.

    Fair enough. But now that has changed. We have a new civil liberty that has been guaranteed by the Court! WHY ARE YOU IGNORING IT?

  2. Mark Van Deibert Says:

    he Security Council decided that the Secretary-General, in consultation with the Executive Chairman of UNMOVIC and the Security Council members, should appoint suitably qualified experts to serve as a College of Commissioners for UNMOVIC.

    The Council also decided that the College of Commissioners for UNMOVIC would meet regularly to review the implementation of Security Council resolution 1284 and other relevant resolutions, and provide professional advice and guidance to the Executive Chairman, including on significant policy decisions and on written reports to be submitted to the Security Council through the UN Secretary-General.

    The Secretary-General appointed the following as Commissioners for UNMOVIC:

    Adigun Ade Abiodun (Nigeria)

    Reinhard Böhm (Germany)

    Ronald Cleminson (Canada)

    Thérèse Delpech (France)

    Yuriy V. Fedotov (Russian Federation)

    Gunterio G. Heineken (Argentina)

    Hannelore Hoppe (United Nations - Department for Disarmament Affairs)

    Takanori Kazuhara (Japan)

    Lu Yongshou (China)

    Roque Monteleone-Neto (Brazil)

    Olga Pellicer (Mexico)

    Annaswamy Narayana Prasad (India)

    Anatoliy Scherba (Ukraine)

    Cheikh Sylla (Senegal)

    Bryan Wells (United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland)

    Robert Witajewski (United States)

    Observers

    Gustavo Zlauvinen (IAEA)

    Zeljko Jerkic (OPCW)

    The Executive Chairman of UNMOVIC, chaired meetings of the UNMOVIC College of Commissioners.

    The Executive Chairman was required to report to the Security Council every three months on the implementation of resolution 1284. He was also required to consult the College of Commissioners on these reports. Thus, meetings of the College of Commissioners were convened at least four times a year. Representatives of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) attended the meetings as observers.

    Meetings of the College have been held as follows:

    23 - 24 May 2000; first session; in New York.

    23 - 24 August 2000; second session; in New York.

    27 - 29 November 2000; third session; in New York.

    21 - 22 February 2001; fourth session; in Vienna.

    21 - 22 May 2001; fifth session; in New York.

    28-29 August 2001; sixth session; in New York.

    26-27 November 2001; seventh session; in New York.

    18-19 February 2002; eigth session; in Geneva.

    29 May 2002; ninth session; in Vienna.

    29-30 August 2002; tenth session; in New York

    18 October 2002, special session; in New York

    26 November 2002, eleventh session; in New York

    23 January 2003, special session; in New York

    12 February 2003, special session; in New York

    24-25 February 2003, twelfth session;in New York

    28 May 2003, thirteenth session; in New York

    21 November 2003, fourteenth session; in New York

    24 February 2004, fifteenth session; in New York

    25 May 2004, sixteenth session; in Vienna

    17-18 November 2004, seventeenth session; in New York

    23-24 February 2005, eighteenth session; in New York

    24-25 May 2005, nineteenth session; in New York

    24-25 August 2005, twentieth session: in New York

    21-22 November 2005, twenty-first session: in New York

    21-22 February 2006, twenty-second session; in New York

    23-24 May 2006, twenty-third session; in New York

    20-21 November 2006, twenty-fourth session; in New York.

    20-21 February 2007, twenty-fifth session; New York.

    23-24 May 2007, twenty-sixth session; New York.

  3. Lonnie Wilson Says:

    I concur with Jackson, I posted a statement on another blog entry.

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