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Military Violates its Own Agreement with Gitmo DetaineeOver the weekend, al-Arabiya reported that Gitmo detainee Ibrahim al-Qosi, who in July pled guilty to conspiring with al-Qaeda and providing material support for terrorism by serving as Osama Bin Laden's cook and occasional driver, was moved from a communal living camp to an isolation unit, violating the plea agreement struck in July. This plea agreement — which was hammered out in secret — reportedly called for two years in addition to the eight he's already served. Everyone in the courtroom on the day al-Qosi was sentenced in August — the prosecutors, the judge, the defense counsel and the convicted detainee — agreed to the terms of the plea deal. But now, Joint Task Force Guantánamo (JTF-Gitmo) has reneged on the agreement and moved al-Qosi into an isolation unit. (JTF-Gitmo operates the detention facility at Guantánamo.) JTF-Gitmo asserts that they're just following the rules — that this is how they treat all convicted Gitmo detainees. (And by "all," they mean the one other convicted detainee, Ali Hamza al-Bahlul.) So this claim of adhering to standard operating procedure is pretty meaningless, but it turns out there are no formal rules either. The newly reissued manual (PDF) doesn't address how and where convicted detainees should be held. This fact came to light when, at the sentencing hearing, Judge Paul initially ordered al-Qosi to be held in a communal camp, and JTF-Gitmo objected, telling the judge she had no authority over detention decisions. Judge Paul then changed her order to a strong recommendation that al-Qosi be housed in communal living quarters, where he could eat, pray and exercise with pretrial detainees. Mind you, al-Qosi's actual sentence is still a secret — a secret that could be revealed after the November election. The move could also have farther reaching consequences as well: Al-Qosi's defense attorney, Cmdr. Suzanne Lachelier, told the Associated Press that changing the terms of her client's detention after sentencing could jeopardize other detainees' willingness to agree to plead out. "The prosecutors put themselves out on a limb by promising something that they didn't have the power to grant," she said. "Is it going to have a chilling effect? Possibly." Tags: Ali Hamza al Bahlul, Close Gitmo, Cmdr. Suzanne Lachelier, Ibrahim al-Qosi
Observing Another Guantánamo Show Trial(Originally posted on Daily Kos.) This week, while the eyes of the American public and the world focus on the final leg of the presidential race, a new trial commenced at Guantánamo. The trial of Ali Hamza al Bahlul, al Qaeda's alleged media secretary, is only the second full trial to take place at the naval base since the first group of detainees was transferred there from Afghanistan in January 2002. Al Bahlul is viewed as a particularly colorful defendant by outside observers and members of the press. His previous appearances before the commission provided provocative challenges to a system that is legally and politically tainted. In his challenges to the legitimacy of the military commissions, al Bahlul has built himself a reputation for defiance. He has refused legal representation and has frequently stated his desire to boycott the hearings. In January 2006, he famously raised a hand-made sign in the courtroom that declared a boycott of the hearings. He rarely turns down an opportunity to express his controversial views on America and to reiterate his allegiance to Osama Bin Laden. On Day One of his hearing yesterday, however, al Bahlul showed marked self-restraint, remaining silent for the six-hour duration. He implemented his boycott strategy by attending the hearing, but refusing to take part in the proceedings. He listened to the remarks of the judge and prosecution without bothering to put on his headset to hear the Arabic translation. More significantly, he instructed his court-appointed military defense lawyer, Major David Frakt, to remain mute. Frakt tried his best to balance his ethical responsibilities as the appointed defense lawyer with his client's wish not to mount a defense. Frakt informed the military judge, Colonel Ronald Gregory, that he intended to respect al Bahlul's request to boycott his own trial. From that point forward, Frakt answered all the judge's questions in the negative and refused to take an active part in the proceedings. The judge, perhaps realizing that the integrity of the commission lies on his shoulders, responded to Frakt's decision by stating that, in the absence of a defense, he would "intervene to insure a fair trial." He allowed al Bahlul to stay in the courtroom but warned him that he would not be permitted to speak unless he took the stand as a witness. The judge also ruled that he would not allow previous statements made by al Bahlul to be used by the prosecution because they were made in the limited context of explaining al Bahlul's intent to boycott. It became clear, however, that the trial is slowly moving towards its inevitable end: a show trial that might well become another piece of al Qaeda recruiting propaganda — ironically produced at the trial of the alleged al Qaeda propagandist. The afternoon session was devoted to the selection of the commission's panel, the jury of military officers that will hear the evidence in the case and decide al Bahlul's sentence. Six of the nine military officers selected served on the commission panel that sentenced David Hicks in 2007. Hicks was the Australian prisoner sentenced to a maximum term of seven years in prison for providing material support for terrorism. Hicks' plea agreement suspended all but nine months of the sentence and he is now free in Australia. Was it a coincidence that six out of the 13 members of the panel served in Hicks' controversial case? During yesterday's session, it was clear that the government is not taking any chances; it challenged four members of the panel who had not served in the Hicks commission. For almost seven years, Guantánamo has been the antithesis of justice. These days, the government does not bother even with the appearance of fairness. Tags: Ali Hamza al Bahlul, David Hicks, Guantanamo Dispatch, Human Rights Program
Gitmo Hearings ResumeAs Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice concludes a visit to Iraq and the UK, amid increasing opposition to U.S. policies, and with the Supreme Court challenge to the Guantánamo military tribunals pending a final decision, the military commission hearings are resuming here this week. Four out of the ten prisoners charged with war crimes and referred for prosecution will come before the commission: Abdul Zahir (35) from Afghanistan, Ali Hamza al Bahlul (39) from Yemen, Omar Khadr (19) from Canada, and Binyam Ahmad Mohamed (27), who was born in Ethiopia but moved to the UK in his teens. The last time I observed this commission in person was in November 2004. At the time only four prisoners were charged and Salim Ahmed Hamdan’s hearing was scheduled to start but was abruptly halted when a federal district court judge held that the use of military commissions to try detainees violated the U.S. Constitution and international law. The Supreme Court heard oral arguments in Hamdan v. Rumsfeld last week. A decision is expected by June 2006 on whether this military commission, established by President Bush in November 2001, is duly authorized under Congress’s Authorization for the Use of Military Force; the Uniform Code of Military Justice; or through the “inherent powers” of the President as commander in chief. Additionally and perhaps more critically the Supreme Court will decide whether Mr. Hamdan and other similarly situated prisoners can even seek enforcement of their rights under the Geneva Convention from Article III courts such as the Supreme Court and other lower courts established by Congress. The Court’s ruling will be the first judicial examination of the 2005 Detainee Treatment Act, which includes the Graham-Levin Amendment stripping U.S. courts’ jurisdiction over almost any challenges by Guantánamo detainees regarding their detention. Just days before Hamdan reached the high court, the U.S. military introduced a new commission instruction that could bar the admission of coerced confessions. The move seems like like a desperate attempt to continue to defend the extra-judicial commission, and perhaps even to influence the Justices’ deliberations. But this new rule, and several others, fail to guarantee an independent trial court, or to provide impartial appellate review. And though they may prohibit the use of evidence obtained through torture, they contain few safeguards to make that prohibition meaningful and they do not exclude evidence exhorted under coercive interrogation techniques that fall short of torture but are still prohibited under the Convention against Torture. Tags: Abdul Zahir, Ali Hamza al Bahlul, Binyam Mohamed, Guantanamo Dispatch, Human Rights Program, Omar Khadr, Salim Ahmed Hamdan |
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