ACLU Letter to the House of Representatives Asking Members to Oppose H.R. 4472, the Children’s Safety and Violent Crime Reduction Act of 2005 (3/7/2006)
Oppose H.R. 4472, the Children's Safety and Violent
Crime Reduction Act of 2005
Dear Representative:
On behalf of the American Civil Liberties Union, a non-partisan organization with
hundreds of thousands of activists and members and 53 affiliates nation-wide, we
write to express our opposition to H.R.4472, the Children's Safety and Violent
Crime Reduction Act of 2005 ("Omnibus Crime"). H.R.4472 would create ten new
federal death penalties and almost 30 new discriminatory mandatory minimums that
infringe upon protected First Amendment speech, effectively eliminate federal
and state prisoners' ability to challenge wrongful convictions in federal court,
make it more difficult to monitor sex offenders and create more serious juvenile
offenders by incarcerating children in adult prisons. H.R. 4472 is scheduled for a vote on
the House floor on Wednesday, March 8, 2006; we strongly urge you to oppose this
legislation.
Congress
Should Not Expand The Federal Death Penalty Until It Ensures Innocent People Are
Not On Death Row.
-
The death penalty is in need of reform, not expansion. According
to the Death Penalty Information Center, 123 prisoners on death row have now
been exonerated. Chronic problems, including inadequate defense counsel and
racial disparities, plague the death penalty system in the United States. The
expansion of the death penalty for gang and other crimes creates an opportunity
for more arbitrary application of the death penalty.
-
In addition to expanding the number of federal death penalty
crimes, this bill also expands venue in capital cases, making any location even
tangentially related to the crime a possible site for the trial. This raises constitutional as well as
public policy concerns. The U.S. Constitution states that "the Trial of all
Crimes . . . shall be by Jury; and shall be held in the State where the said
Crimes shall have been committed."[1] This concept is
important in order to prevent undue hardship and partiality when an accused
person is prosecuted in a place that has no significant connection to the
offense with which he is charged. This proposed change in H.R.4472 would
increase the inequities that already exist in the federal death penalty system,
giving prosecutors tremendous discretion to "forum shop" for the most
death-friendly jurisdiction in which to try their case.
-
In
carjacking cases, this legislation would effectively relieve the government from
having to prove that a person intended to cause the death of a person before
being subject to the death penalty.
This provision is likely unconstitutional in the context of capital
cases.[2] In addition, the bill would allow the death penalty
for attempt and conspiracy in carjacking cases, which we believe is
unconstitutional.[3]
H.R. 4472 Erodes Federal Judges' Sentencing Discretion By Proposing Harsher Mandatory
Minimum Sentences.
-
This legislation would create 29
new mandatory minimum sentences that would result in unfair and discriminatory
prison terms. Many of the criminal penalties in this
bill are increased to mandatory minimum sentences,[4] including the
sentence for second-degree murder that would be a mandatory sentence of 30
years. Although, in theory,
mandatory minimums were created to address disparate sentences that resulted
from indeterminate sentencing systems, in reality they shift discretion from the
judge to the prosecutor. Prosecutors hold all the power over whether a defendant
gets a plea bargain in order for that defendant to avoid the mandatory
sentence. This creates unfair and inequitable sentences for people who
commit similar crimes, thus contributing to the very problem mandatory minimums
were created to address.
People Could Be
Convicted Of A "Gang" Crime Even If They Are Not Members Of A
Gang.
- This
legislation would impose severe penalties for a collective group of three or
more people who commit "gang" crimes. This bill amends the already broad
definition of "criminal street gang" to an even more ambiguous standard of a
formal or informal group or association of three (3) or more people who commit
two (2) or more "gang" crimes. The number of people required to form a gang
decreases from five (5) people in an ongoing group under current law to three
(3) people who could just be associates or casual acquaintances under this
proposed legislation. Under current law it is essential to establish that a gang
had committed a "continuing series of offenses." By eliminating this requirement, H.R.
4472 defeats the purpose of a gang law, i.e. to target criminal activity that
has some type of connection to a tight knit group of people that exists for the
of purpose engaging in illegal activities.
H.R. 4472
Jeopardizes A Person's Right To A Fair Trial.
-
Innocent
people could be convicted of crimes they did not commit if the statute of
limitations is extended as proposed in this legislation. The Omnibus Crime bill
proposes to extend the statute of limitations for non-capital crimes of
violence. Generally, the statute of limitations for non-capital federal crimes
is five (5) years after the offense is committed. [5] Fifteen years
after a crime is committed, alibi witnesses could have disappeared or died,
other witnesses' memories could have faded and evidence may be unreliable. The
use of questionable evidence could affect a person's ability to defend him or
herself against charges and to receive a fair trial.
-
This
legislation would also preclude defense attorneys in child pornography cases
from obtaining possession of the alleged child pornography, possibly depriving
the defendant of a fair trial. This
provision is entirely unnecessary, since federal courts routinely issue
extremely restrictive protective orders regarding alleged child pornography.
These protective orders preclude duplication or review of the alleged child
pornography except as necessary for the preparation of the defense. Giving the
government sole possession of the material may well harm the defendant's case.
Forensic analysis is often critical in determining whether the material is, in
fact, child pornography.
Title
VI Infringes Upon Constitutionally Protected Speech Under The First
Amendment.
-
The
legislation would require record keeping for simulated sexual conduct. Simulated sexual conduct that is not
obscene is protected under the First Amendment.[6]
"Laws
that burden material protected by the First Amendment must be approached from a
skeptical point of view and must be given strict scrutiny."[7] The fact that those laws only burden
rather than prohibit protected material does not save them constitutionally.[8]
-
This
provision of the bill infringes upon protected speech and is not narrowly
tailored to solve the problems of child pornography. Understandably, mainstream producers
will comply with the law, but those who are intent on making child pornography
are unlikely to do so. This
provision is therefore constitutionally suspect.
Federal Courts Would Essentially Be Unable To Release Some
People on Death Row Who Were Wrongfully Convicted.
-
Most
habeas corpus petitions that challenge a person's death or criminal sentence are
brought to federal court based on a constitutional error that under the law is
considered "harmless" or "non-prejudicial." These types of legal errors do not
involve substantial rights and do not necessarily result in a person being
released from custody.[9] H.R. 4472 would prevent federal courts
from hearing claims in death penalty cases that involve claims of cruel and
unusual punishment under the Eighth Amendment or whether a defendant's lawyer
was ineffective during the sentencing phase of a capital case.
-
This
provision of the bill has serious implications for the independence of the
federal judiciary. Congress' attempt to strip Article III courts of their
constitutional habeas corpus jurisdiction[10] is
unconstitutional under the doctrine of Separation of Powers. Removing jurisdiction over many habeas claims from federal courts
ignores the
separation of powers doctrine by eliminating the role of the courts in upholding
constitutional rights of prisoners.
H.R.
4472 Would Result In The Routine Collection And Permanent Retention Of DNA
Samples And Profiles From Innocent People.
- The
"Violence Against Women Act of 2005" (VAWA) was
signed into law on January 5, 2006, (P.L. No: 109-162) and dramatically
expands the government's authority to collect and permanently retain DNA
samples. Under this law, persons
who are merely arrested or detained by federal authorities would
be forced to have their DNA collected and stored alongside those of convicted
felons in the federal DNA database. However, under currently law DNA samples
that are voluntarily submitted to law enforcement authorities are not included
in the Combined DNA Indexing System (CODIS). In addition, DNA profiles of
individuals arrested but not convicted of crimes can be expunged from CODIS upon
receipt of a "certified copy of a final court order establishing that such
charge has been dismissed or has resulted in an acquittal."[11]
-
However,
H.R. 4472 would permit voluntarily submitted samples to be included in CODIS and
would eliminate the expungement provision for people whose DNA was incorporated
in the federal database based on an arrest that never resulted in a conviction.
Retaining a person's DNA in a criminal database renders him or her an automatic
suspect for any future crime. This
is problematic for any category of tested persons, but especially for those who
have been arrested but not convicted of a crime.
- In
addition, the Omnibus Crime bill would allow states to upload to CODIS DNA
samples submitted voluntarily in order to eliminate people as suspects of a
crime. This will increase the use
by law enforcement of DNA "sweeps" and reducing the willingness of citizens to
cooperate with the police.
H.R. 4472 Will Make It More Difficult To Monitor
Sex Offenders By Simply Forcing Offenders Underground.
-
The
proposed legislation requires sex offenders to update registry information
within 5 days of a change in residence, employment or student status. This requirement is unrealistic and works against the goal
of being able to monitor sex offenders. If the
registration requirements are unrealistic, offenders will fail to register and
end up underground, which is contrary to the goal of tracking and locating them.
Under the Omnibus Crime bill, states will be required to verify sex
offender registry information in person possibly as frequently as once every
three months and required to verify their residences as often once every month
depending on the class of offender.
This will be an enormous burden on the states to create and implement
systems to track sex offenders on a monthly basis.
-
The
bill will also require the work addresses of sex offenders to be available on
the Internet. Publicizing information about employers and their addresses on the
Internet could ultimately lead to employers refusing to hire former sex
offenders. Research has shown that significant supervision upon release and
involvement in productive activities are critical to preventing sex offenders
from reoffending. Limiting the
opportunities of sex offenders to maintain gainful employment is
counter-productive to their rehabilitation as well as to keeping communities
safe.
Children
Would Be Put In Federal Prison With Little Opportunity For Education Or
Rehabilitation.
-
Under
the Omnibus Crime bill, more children will become hardened criminals after being
tried in federal court and incarcerated in adult prisons. H.R.4472 would give
prosecutors the discretion to determine when to try a young person in federal
court as an adult, if the juvenile is 16 years of age or older and commits a
crime of violence. The decision by a prosecutor to try a juvenile as an adult
cannot be reviewed by a judge under this legislation. This unreviewable process
of transferring youth to adult federal court is particularly troubling when
juveniles are not routinely prosecuted in the federal system and there are no
resources or facilities to address the needs of youth.
For
the above-mentioned reasons, we urge members to oppose H.R. 4472 when the
House votes on the bill on March 8, 2006.
Sincerely,
Caroline
Fredrickson Director
Jesselyn McCurdy Legislative Counsel
cc: House Members
[1] U.S. Constitution,
Article III Section 2. [2] See Enmunds v.
Florida, 458 U.S. 782, 102 S.Ct. 3368, 73 L.Ed.2d 1140 (Court held that
imposing the death penalty on petitioner who did not
kill nor intend to kill is inconsistent with the Eighth and Fourteenth
Amendments); See also Tison v. Arizona, 481 U.S. 137, 107, 107
S.Ct 1676, 95 L.Ed 127(1987) (Court held the defendant who played a major role
in a felony murder and exhibited reckless
indifference for life could be subject to the death penalty). [3] See Coker v. Georgia, 433 U.S. 584, 97 S.Ct. 2861, 53 L.Ed.2d
982 (1977)
(Court
held that a sentence of death for the crime of rape
of adult woman was grossly disproportionate and excessive punishment forbidden
by Eighth Amendment). [4] 18 U.S.C. Sec. 115
Influencing, Impeding, or Retaliating Against Judges and other Officials by
Threatening or Injuring a Family Member; 18 U.S.C. 1111; 18 U.S.C. Sec. 1503
Influencing or Injuring Officer or Juror Generally; 18 U.S.C. 1512 Tampering
with a Witness, Victim, or an Informant; and 18 U.S.C. Sec. 1513 Retaliating
against a Witness, Victim, or an Informant. [5] 18 U.S.C. 3282 (See the exception for
Chapter 109A offenses involving DNA evidence). [6] New York v.
Ferber, 458 U.S. 747 at 764-765 (1982). Ferber specifically recognized
simulation as a legally permissible alternative to using children in sexually
explicit scenes. "[I]f it were
necessary for literary or artistic value, a person over the statutory age who
perhaps looked younger could be utilized.
Simulation outside of the prohibition of the statute could provide
another alternative." Id. at
763. [7] American
Library Association v. Thornburgh, 713 F.Supp. 469, 476 (D.C. Cir.
1989). [8]
Id. [9] Id. [10] US Constitution
Article I Section 9 states " [t]he Privilege of Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not
be suspended, unless when Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public safety may
require it. [11] The House bill
proposes to completely eliminate any requirement for
expungement.
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