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When we filed our FOIA request, in August 2002,
we also filed a letter asking the Justice Department to expedite
its response. We cited a part of the FOIA that states that expedited
processing is warranted when a request pertains to a "matter
of widespread and exceptional media interest in which there exist
possible questions about the government's integrity which affect
public confidence." The government conceded almost immediately
that we were entitled to expedited processing.
Unfortunately, the government did not provide the
expeditious processing that it had promised. Instead, the Justice
Department dragged its feet for over two months. Ultimately, we
decided to file a lawsuit asking a federal court to force the government
to respond to our request.
At a hearing before Judge Ellen Segal Huvelle in
November, the government finally agreed to respond to our request
by a specific date. Under the order issued by Judge Huvelle on November
26, the government was to complete its response to our request by
January 15.
While the government did not meet the deadline imposed
by Judge Huvelle, it has now released a significant number of records
in response to our FOIA request. In total, the government has released
341 pages of responsive records. (Many of the pages include portions
that are blacked out, ostensibly for national security reasons.)
The government has also withheld an additional 53 pages in their
entirety.
What We Have Learned
1. The FBI is aggressively using National Security
Letters - with no judicial oversight - to obtain sensitive records
from banks, credit reporting agencies, and Internet service providers.
A Nov. 2001 FBI memo explains the way in which the
PATRIOT Act expanded the FBI's power to use National Security Letters.
National Security Letters can be used to force banks, Internet service
providers, telephone companies, and credit agencies to turn over
the records of their customers. There is no judicial oversight at
all; the FBI need not obtain a court order or warrant. Further,
entities that are forced to turn over records are prohibited from
disclosing to their customers - or to anyone else - that the FBI
has demanded the records.
One interesting passage in the memo emphasized that,
after the PATRIOT Act, the FBI is authorized to use National Security
Letters not only against suspected terrorists and spies but also
against Americans who are suspected neither of crime nor of working
for a hostile government or terrorist organization.
The government has refused to say how extensively
it is using its authority to issue National Security Letters. However,
the government has disclosed blacked-out lists whose length clearly
suggests that the government is using this power very aggressively.
Of course, the length of the list cannot tell us anything about
how pervasively these tools are being used against American citizens
and permanent residents, or whether they are being used to investigate
people on the basis of their legitimate political activity, or how
extensively they are being used to investigate people suspected
neither of crime nor of working for a hostile government or terrorist
organization.
2. The FBI is conducting wiretaps and secret
searches in criminal investigations without complying with probable
cause
A March 2002 memo from Attorney General John Ashcroft's
office confirms that the FBI is relying on the Foreign Intelligence
Surveillance Act (FISA) to conduct wiretaps and secret searches
in criminal investigations without complying with probable cause.
Over the past 25 years, numerous courts have held that the Fourth
Amendment prohibits the government from using FISA this way; these
courts have insisted that the FBI can use FISA only to gather foreign-intelligence,
not for law enforcement. The Attorney General's radical theory is
now the subject of litigation in an extraordinary case titled In
re Sealed Case of the Foreign Intelligence Court of Review,
No. 02-001. The ACLU has been very involved in that case and is
now asking the Supreme Court to consider it.
A Sept. 2002 document called "What do I have
to do to get a FISA?" explains the procedures that an FBI agent
must follow in order to obtain a surveillance order from the Foreign
Intelligence Surveillance Court. Part of the memo, captioned "Verification
Procedures," is blacked out. One reason the memo is interesting
is that it frankly acknowledges that the "probable cause"
standard used in FISA is much less stringent than the "probable
cause" standard that the Fourth Amendment normally requires.
The Attorney General has argued recently that the standards are
more-or-less the same.
3. The government has begun to use an extraordinarily
broad surveillance provision that could be used to force libraries
and bookstores to report on their patrons and customers' reading
habits
Section 215 of the PATRIOT Act gives the FBI unprecedented
power to order any entity at all to turn over its records. The records
need not pertain to a terrorism suspect, or even to a person suspected
of criminal activity. Further, an entity ordered to turn over its
records to the FBI is prohibited from disclosing to anyone else
that the FBI has asked for the information. Over the past months,
there has been growing concern about the possibility that the FBI
could use this power to obtain information about the books we read
or even the websites we visit.
The government has refused to say how extensively
it is using its authority under Section 215. In response to our
request, it provided only a blacked-out list.
For a number or reasons, we now believe that the
Attorney General may be using a variety of other tools to obtain
citizens' personal records - including from libraries, bookstores,
and Internet service providers.
First, the Attorney General recently informed the
House Judiciary Committee that the FBI might obtain library and
bookstore records using National Security Letters, rather than Section
215. As our FOIA request has discovered (see above), the government
is using its authority to issue National Security Letters very aggressively.
Second, the ACLU has learned that the FBI has pressured
at least some libraries to "voluntarily" turn over records
relating to their patrons. (And if the FBI is pressuring libraries
to turn over their records, it is quite likely that the FBI is employing
the same practice with respect to bookstores and internet service
providers, among others.) This practice is particularly troubling
because there is no judicial oversight at all. While librarians
can theoretically decline to turn over their records in response
to informal FBI requests, some librarians, like most Americans,
may be intimidated by the FBI.
4. The FBI is aggressively using its power to
install pen registers and trap and trace devices
A March 2002 FBI memo explains the way in which
the PATRIOT Act expanded the FBI's authority to use "pen register"
and "trap and trace" devices. (These devices let the FBI
track the calls to and from a particular phone, or the e-mails to
and from a particular computer.) Since the Patriot Act, the FBI
has been able to employ these devices even against American citizens
and permanent residents who are suspected neither of crime nor of
working for a hostile government or terrorist organization.
The government has refused to say how extensively
it is using its pen register and trap and trace authority. However,
a blacked-out list suggests that the government has been using the
power aggressively.
5. The government plans to use all of its new
surveillance powers aggressively, including by turning the powers
against ordinary Americans and permanent residents
An Oct. 2001 FBI memo explains the way in which
the PATRIOT Act expanded the FBI's surveillance powers under FISA.
One interesting thing about the memo is the great emphasis it places
on the fact that the FBI is authorized to use many of its new surveillance
powers not only against suspected terrorists and spies but also
against Americans who are suspected neither of crime nor of working
for a hostile government or terrorist organization.
What the Government Won't Tell Us
The Attorney General has refused to disclose basic
statistical information about the FBI's use of new surveillance
powers. We asked in particular for the statistical information that
the Attorney General reluctantly provided in response to the House
Judiciary Committee's June 2002 oversight letter. Most of the records
released to us in response are internal e-mails discussing the DOJ's
response to the letter. The important content of the e-mails has
been blacked out, and as a result most of the e-mails are meaningless.
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