Chairman Goss, Ranking Member Harman and Members of the Committee:
I am pleased to appear before you today on behalf of the American Civil Liberties Union and its more than 400,000 members, dedicated to preserving the principles of the Constitution and Bill of Rights, to explain the ACLU's views on the recommendations for reform of the intelligence community proposed in the Final Report of the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States ("9/11 Commission Report").
The 9/11 Commission report exhaustively details significant failures of the intelligence agencies, including the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and proposes major structural changes to address those failures.
The failure to "connect the dots" to prevent the terrorist attacks of 9/11 must rank among the worst intelligence failures in American history. No one doubts the necessity of reorienting an intelligence community built to fight the Cold War to focus on the national security threats of the 21st Century. The ACLU strongly favors reforming the intelligence community in a way that enhances national security, encourages openness, and protects civil liberties.
The 9/11 Commission's most sweeping proposed solution is a powerful National Intelligence Director (NID) and a National Counter-Terrorism Center (NCTC) that would centralize power over both foreign and domestic intelligence collection agencies in the White House. The way in which the recommendation centralizes power over both foreign and domestic surveillance in the White House raises serious civil liberties concerns.
The NID is given authority, though the NCTC, not only over what intelligence agencies - including the FBI - should collect, but also what actions they should take based on that intelligence. The NID hires the FBI's Director of Intelligence and the chief intelligence officer of the Department of Homeland Security, one of whom will also be the NID's deputy for "homeland intelligence." The proposed structure poses real dangers of rendering the FBI and other domestic agencies subservient to the mindset - and methods - of the CIA and other intelligence agencies that operate overseas.
Putting the intrusive powers of domestic national security surveillance in the hands of a "top spy" at the White House, rather than a "top cop" at the Department of Justice, raises real risks of making sensitive domestic national security investigations a servant of the President's political or ideological goals.
The last major reforms of the intelligence community were put in place in the 1970's, in the wake of Watergate, following the revelations of the special Congressional committee led by Senator Frank Church. The Church Committee's exhaustive post-Watergate investigation found that the problems of illicit spying went far beyond President Nixon.
The Committee found that the intelligence community had been an active participant in highly charge political battles involving the civil rights movement and the Vietnam War. The FBI, CIA, Department of Defense and other intelligence agencies had been involved in widespread spying on ordinary Americans - and illegal covert operations. Most famously, the Church Committee detailed the FBI's wiretapping of Martin Luther King, Jr., and a covert operation, personally directed by FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover, to use derogatory information derived from those wiretaps to destroy King as a national civil rights leader.
The Church Committee's final report led to important reforms designed in part to prevent the intelligence community from being misused to serve the political or ideological interests of the incumbent Administration. These reforms included, among other things, the adoption of Attorney General guidelines for the FBI's national security and criminal investigations, enforcement of the limits on the CIA's involvement in domestic spying, and internal controls on the National Security Agency's monitoring of the electronic communications of United States persons.
These reforms of the intelligence community were vitally necessary to ensure that intelligence activities in a democratic society remain under the rule of law. They remain vitally important today, as the public and political pressure to prevent terrorist attacks poses the danger of encouraging intelligence agents to violate fundamental civil liberties and human rights.
The 9/11 Commission should be applauded for avoiding the easy - and wrong - scapegoat of civil liberties and human rights protections for intelligence failures. According to the Commission, pre 9/11 intelligence failures were, largely, failures of analysis and information-sharing. These failures were not the result of legal restrictions that are designed to protect civil liberties, but as a result of a culture and bureaucracy that horded information.
As outlined, however, the 9/11 Commission's recommendations would put too much power in a White House official with access to the agencies of government that spy on Americans. The answer, however, is not to do nothing.
Rather, the answer is to reform intelligence gathering and analysis while incorporating safeguards that will protect civil liberties, and that will respect the special sensitivity of domestic surveillance. This testimony outlines fifteen such recommendations and explains why they are vital to ensuring intelligence reform does not sacrifice civil liberties.
A New Intelligence Chief Must Be Accountable, Not Political
Intelligence chief should be independent and should not be a White House official. In a democratic society, domestic surveillance must serve the goals of preventing terrorism, espionage and other serious crime, not the political goals of the party in power. As we have learned from past mistakes, the temptation to use the intelligence community to further a political agenda is ever-present.
Misuse of intelligence powers, both foreign and domestic, for political ends can occur under any Administration. Direct White House control of intelligence powers and access to sensitive intelligence files have been responsible for serious mistakes that undermine civil liberties and accountability, and have lessened the confidence of Americans in their government.
· Watergate and other Nixon spying abuses. Under Richard Nixon, the worst spying abuses were a result of efforts - directed by White House staff with intelligence backgrounds calling themselves the "plumbers" - to spy on political and ideological opponents. The plumbers conducted a warrantless secret search of a doctor's office to obtain medical records involving national security whistleblower Daniel Ellsberg. White House staff also directed covert wiretaps of journalists - such as columnist Jack Anderson - and other prominent persons, without the knowledge of FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover. President Nixon also ordered a secret search (never carried out) of the Brookings Institution, which he regarded as a symbol of the "Eastern Establishment" hostile to his political agenda. The Watergate break-in itself was a direct outgrowth of these and many other spying activities directed from the White House.
· Iran- contra. Under Ronald Reagan, a covert operation conducted by National Security Council staff member Lt. Col. Oliver North led to the most serious crisis of Reagan's presidency when it was revealed that the operation involved trading arms for hostages and using the proceeds to provide assistance to Nicaraguan rebels. The use of White House staff was intended to bypass the intelligence community in pursuit of a highly controversial Reagan Administration policy that Congress had specifically banned.
· Filegate. Under Bill Clinton, White House political staff obtained hundreds of confidential FBI files on prominent Republicans that had been created from extensive background checks designed to protect national security. The resulting "Filegate" scandal represented a serious abuse of an FBI security investigation process for political ends and was a major controversy that distracted attention from the President's policy agenda.
In spite of these lessons, the 9/11 Commission's recommendations place effective control over the intelligence community - including parts of the FBI, Department of Homeland Security, and other agencies that exercise domestic surveillance powers - in the Executive Office of the President (the White House) and fail to include any mechanism (such as a fixed term) to ensure the National Intelligence Director's autonomy. The proposal seriously increases the risk of spying for political ends.
As proposed by the Commission, the NID's powers would include:
The NID would also replace the DCI as the principal adviser to the President on intelligence matters affecting the national security. The NID would be located in the Executive Office of the President, but would be subject to Senate confirmation.
The NID would oversee a number of national intelligence centers, housed in disparate agencies, assigned to track particular national security concerns like counter-proliferation, narco-trafficking or relations with China.
The NID would also appoint three deputy NIDs for foreign intelligence, military intelligence, and homeland intelligence:
Within the Executive Office of the President, the NID would take the reins of a powerful new National Counter-Terrorism Center (NCTC), which would take over the terrorism intelligence analysis responsibilities of the Terrorism Threat Integration Center (currently run by the DCI). The NCTC would also have the explicit power to "task" collection for intelligence agencies and to plan intelligence operations.
The proposed structure centralizes too much power over both foreign and domestic intelligence in the White House, and risks a re-run of the mistakes that led to Watergate, Iran- contra, "Filegate," and other significant abuses of Presidential power.
The placement of the National Intelligence Director in the White House could also frustrate Congressional oversight. White House officials have long received, on separation of powers grounds, far less scrutiny from Congress than agency heads and other Executive Branch officials. White House officials are not usually subject to Senate confirmation and do not usually testify before Congress on matters of policy. Executive privilege may be claimed as a shield for conversations between the President and his advisors from both Congressional and judicial inquiries.
The controversy over whether Condoleezza Rice, President Bush's national security advisor, could or should testify publicly before the 9/11 Commission is an excellent example of how the prerogatives of the President with respect to White House advisors can complicate oversight by Congress and other investigative bodies.
President Bush announced on Monday, August 2, a proposal for a national intelligence director that is not a White House or Cabinet official, but instead heads an independent office. Likewise, bills proposed by leading Democratic members of the House and Senate intelligence committees do not make that person a White House official.
Rep. Jane Harman, the ranking member of this Committee, has introduced legislation to create a "Director of National Intelligence." Like President Bush's proposal, H.R. 4140, the "Intelligence Transformation Act," places the new intelligence director in an independent office, not the White House. The leading Senate legislation takes the same approach. [1]
The placement of the intelligence community under effective White House control could politicize intelligence activities. The National Intelligence Director and the National Counter-Terrorism Center, if they are established, should be accountable to the President, but they should not be servants of the President's political or ideological agenda.
Pitfalls of greater power for head of the CIA. Chairman Porter Goss (R-FL) has introduced a different intelligence reorganization bill, H.R. 4584, the "Directing Community Integration Act." The Goss bill rejects a new intelligence director and instead enhances the powers of the DCI over community-wide responsibilities, including domestic collection of intelligence, while leaving the DCI as the head of the CIA.
The Goss bill is, in some respects, even worse than the Commission's proposal for a White House NID, because it contemplates much greater involvement of the DCI - the head of a foreign intelligence agency - in domestic intelligence matters. The Goss bill would even go so far as to render toothless the current prohibition on CIA involvement in domestic activities by amending it to bar "police, subpoena, or law enforcement powers within the United States, except as otherwise permitted by law or as directed by the President." [2]
The person who is charged with overseeing the activities of the intelligence community - the fifteen agencies across the government designed to ensure policymakers have access to accurate, timely information about threats to the nation's security - should not be a White House or Cabinet official who answers to the President's political and ideological agenda. Giving more direct domestic spying powers to the head of the CIA - a foreign intelligence agency with methods and tactics wholly inappropriate for domestic use - is no answer either.
Recommendation #1: The National Intelligence Director (NID) should not be a Cabinet or White House official and the National Counter-Terrorism Center (NCTC) should not placed in the Executive Office of the President, nor should stronger community-wide powers be given to an official who continues to head the CIA. A new head of the intelligence community, if one is created, should instead head an independent Office of the Director of National Intelligence.
Intelligence chief should be independent, subject to Congressional oversight, and serve a fixed term. Congress must ensure that the National Intelligence Director is appointed by and with the advise and consent of the Senate, and that the NID will regularly testify before Congress. The Office of the NID and the NCTC must also be answerable to Congress. Congress must make clear that key officials will be asked to testify and that the NID and the NCTC are expected to provide answers to questions, relevant documents, and cooperate with Congressional inquiries.
The Commission recommends that the Director of the CIA should serve a fixed term, like the Director of the FBI, that does not coincide with the President's term. The FBI Director's tenure provides some insulation from partisan politics, and helps protect the FBI's image as a servant of the American people, not of the party in power. Insulating the CIA further from political pressure is a welcome step.
However, ensuring a powerful intelligence chief - who will wield substantial authority over the CIA, FBI and other agencies - is independent and respected across party lines and ideological divides is equally vital. Of course, the President should - as with the FBI Director and other nonpartisan officials - retain ultimate authority to dismiss the NID for cause, but the National Intelligence Director should not be a part of the President's political "team."
Ensuring the intelligence community works well together is an extremely important responsibility that must remain above partisan politics or the appearance of serving an ideological agenda. The President should, of course, appoint the National Intelligence Director, with Senate approval, and should retain the power to fire the director for poor performance. As with the head of the FBI or the Chairman of the Federal Reserve Board, however, the director should serve a fixed term that does not coincide with the President's term.
An analogy to the Chairman of the Federal Reserve Board may help illustrate why a fixed term would strengthen, not weaken, the intelligence agencies. The independence of the federal reserve board does not mean monetary policy is a less important function of economic policy than spending and taxation. Rather, it reflects the critical need to insulate decisions over the money supply from partisan politics. Interest rates have economic implications, but pose a serious temptation for political manipulation to serve the reelection interests of the incumbent administration. As a result, these decisions are thought to pose a unique risk that requires a federal reserve board with political independence.
Likewise, intelligence judgments - such as the risk posed by terrorism or weapons of mass destruction - are equally subject to a danger of political manipulation. Creating a fixed term for the director of the CIA does not solve this problem if a more powerful national intelligence director remains subject to dismissal at the President's pleasure and is part of the President's political "team."
Recommendation #2: The National Intelligence Director must be subject to Senate confirmation and Congressional oversight, and should, like the Director of the CIA, have a fixed term that does not coincide with that of the President.
Make Sure a "Top Cop," Not a "Top Spy," Is in Charge of Surveillance Operations within the United States
FBI intelligence director should remain answerable to FBI Director, not to head of the intelligence community. The United States has - historically and to the present day - entrusted the domestic collection of information about spies, terrorists, and other national security threats to federal and state law enforcement, with the FBI playing the most important role. The reason is simple: Americans do not believe the government should investigate you if you are not involved in a crime - if your activities, however unpopular, are not illegal.
For this reason, the CIA - a pure spy agency with no law enforcement functions - has been barred from domestic surveillance ever since it was created by the National Security Act in 1947. President Truman - a strong opponent of Communism and a hawk on security - shared the concerns of many Americans about the CIA's establishment as a peacetime agency. Truman believed that a permanent secret spy agency could, if allowed to operate on American soil, use espionage techniques - including blackmail, extortion and disinformation - against American citizens who were critical of government policy or the incumbent administration, but had broken no law. With Truman's support, the National Security Act, sometimes described as the CIA's "charter," contains a prohibition - which stands today - on the CIA's exercising any "police, subpoena, or law enforcement powers or internal security functions." [3]
Truman's concerns were not just with bureaucratic turf - whether the FBI or the CIA was the lead agency in collecting information about national security threats within the United States. Truman believed that the domestic collection of information about national security threats should generally be handled as a law enforcement matter. Indeed, Truman often clashed with FBI Director Hoover over whether the FBI had any business using break-ins, illegal wiretaps, and other spy techniques, at one point saying Hoover's advocacy of such methods risked transforming the FBI into the equivalent of the Gestapo. [4] Truman did not just want to prevent the CIA itself from operating on American soil - he wanted to ensure that a CIA-style agency did not become dominant in domestic collection of intelligence about national security threats.
The "tools" of foreign intelligence agents include break-ins (also called "black bag jobs"), searches and surveillance outside the oversight of a traditional warrant process that requires probable cause of criminal activity, infiltration and spying on lawful political activity, and "dirty tricks" including extortion, bribery and blackmail. These spy techniques operate - and are designed to operate - outside the normal laws of any given society and its system of checks and balances.
The American system of government, with its high respect for the autonomy of the individual, simply cannot tolerate the use of many such techniques domestically, on its own citizens or residents. While the use of intelligence techniques in foreign countries must also be subject to controls, the operations of a democratic government that spies on the very citizens from which it derives its legitimacy poses special concerns for civil liberties. Secret domestic surveillance and operations directed at political, religious or ideological groups can, if they are not cabined by a focus on individuals and organizations involved in serious criminal activities, easily be misused to serve the interests of the party in power against its political opponents and critics.
The 9/11 Commission proposes that the NID hires both the FBI's Director of Intelligence and the intelligence chief of the Department of Homeland Security, either of whom may serve as the deputy NID for homeland intelligence. This proposal is very problematic. The Commission proposal puts the FBI's intelligence capabilities in the hands of a super-spy who could involve in domestic spying officials of the CIA and other agencies that use the methods of agencies that operate overseas - such as break-ins, warrantless surveillance, or covert operations.
Under Executive Order 12,333 (Dec. 4, 1981), which sets out the powers and responsibilities of the intelligence agencies, any domestic activities of foreign intelligence agencies, including the CIA, must be carried out in coordination with the FBI. These activities are subject to procedures approved by the Attorney General, and those procedures generally must prohibit the CIA and other foreign intelligence agencies from engaging in intrusive surveillance techniques, like wiretaps and physical searches. The Executive Order also makes clear that, because of the special sensitivity of domestic surveillance, the FBI and the Attorney General have the responsibility to coordinate and approve procedures to supervise domestic surveillance of any other intelligence agency.
While a NID could play a role in coordinating the activities of the Intelligence Community, the NID should not be given, as the Commission's proposal currently contemplates, what amounts to control over targets of intelligence collection within the United States. That should remain the responsibility of the FBI Director, under the supervision of the Attorney General.
Recommendation #3: To ensure the FBI retains control of domestic surveillance operations, the head of the FBI's intelligence operations must report to the FBI Director and the Attorney General, not to the National Intelligence Director or another intelligence official.
Domestic surveillance guidelines must bar political spying. The FBI's own mistakes and missteps show the dangers of a powerful government agency that uses its investigating authority without regard to whether the subjects of its investigations are involved in criminal activities. To a large degree, these abuses were the result of the FBI's unique lack of accountability to the courts, Congress and even the Attorney General under the direction of FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover.
Some will argue that the record of Hoover's FBI proves that entrusting the domestic intelligence mission to a law enforcement agency like the FBI is no guarantee of respect for civil liberties. They are right that any government agency charged with the collection of intelligence about national security threats may (and, inevitably, will) abuse its powers. They are wrong in arguing that the risk of abuse is no greater when the agency's intelligence mission is seen as a function altogether different than its law enforcement investigations and one that effectively operates outside the constraints of an agency that looks at specific cases of individuals and organizations involved in serious criminal behavior.
Today, as a result of the Church Committee reforms, the FBI operates under both internal and external controls that constrain its criminal and national security investigations. These controls are designed to ensure that its intrusive intelligence-gathering and criminal surveillance powers are directed at organizations involved in criminal activities and at the investigation of foreign agents and not at lawful political, religious and other First Amendment activities.
Putting the FBI's intelligence director under the control of an intelligence official could seriously erode civil liberties. Intelligence methods overseas do not following investigative guidelines, do not have to comply with constitutional rights, and provoke no controversy when they put foreign political and religious groups who are breaking no law under surveillance. The FBI is different - and it should remain so.
Guidelines for FBI investigations. For criminal investigations of organized crime or domestic terrorism, Attorney General guidelines restrict the use of most surveillance techniques - such as tracking mail, following suspects, and interviewing witnesses - to situations where there is at least some indication of criminal activity. These guidelines were weakened, following September 11, to allow FBI agents to visit, on a clandestine basis, political and religious meetings that are "open to the public" without any such indication. The ACLU and many members of the House and Senate judiciary committees opposed this change. Most other investigative techniques still do require at least some indication of crime