ACLU Letter to Congress Urging A "No" Vote On the USA PATRIOT Improvement and Reauthorization Act Conference Report (12/7/2005)
Re: Vote NO on the Conference Report on the USA PATRIOT
Improvement and Reauthorization Act of 2005, H.R. 3199
Dear Member of
Congress:
On behalf of the American Civil Liberties
Union's more than 550,000 members, we write to express our strong opposition to
the adoption of the Conference Report on H.R. 3199 (“Report”), the “USA PATRIOT and Terrorism
Prevention Reauthorization Act of 2005.”
This legislation reauthorizes virtually all of the expiring provisions of
the Patriot Act, fails to correct the most flawed provisions of that
legislation, creates additional federal death penalties, and includes unrelated
legislation that has other civil liberties problems. The agreement to provide a
sunset date of four years for three provisions of law does not correct these
serious substantive shortcomings.
For the following reasons, described in
detail in our memorandum explaining the bill,[1] we strongly urge
you to vote against the reauthorization bill, which would:
Continue to subject to government scrutiny records of Americans
who are not tied in any way to suspected terrorists. The Report simply presumes such records
are relevant, making it easier to obtain records where there is a connection
without protecting records of innocent people that have no relationship to a
foreign terrorist or spy. The
limited right to after-the-fact judicial review in the bill will not cure the
fundamental failure to focus these intrusive powers on records connected to a
target in the first place.
- Create an illusory right to challenge the secrecy orders
accompanying these records demands.
A recipient would technically be given a right to challenge the gag
order but if the government asserted national security, diplomatic relations or
an ongoing criminal investigation the court would be required to treat that
assertion as conclusive, making the “right” an illusion. And a recipient who tells any
unauthorized person about the demand can go to federal prison for a year, even
if they have no intent to obstruct an investigation. These features make the gag rule worse
than current law.
Creates NSL subpoena powers. Although the bill rejects the proposal
to give the FBI the power to write its own subpoenas for any tangible thing it deems relevant to an intelligence investigation,
under the conference report any business that does not comply with an NSL for
any of a wide range of records could be hit with contempt fines by the courts,
transforming NSLs into national security subpoenas.
- Adds additional provisions unrelated to the Patriot Act, such
as some additional death penalties.
Leaders from across the political spectrum
have called on Congress to fix these serious problems, but the Conference Report
unfortunately reflects capitulation to political pressure from the
administration to block the most critical improvements.
The Report does modify some of the powers
expanded by the Patriot Act but not sufficiently to vindicate Fourth Amendment
rights. For example, it makes minor
changes to the power of the federal government to conduct sneak and peek
searches of American homes and businesses, but leaves in place the most
problematic “catch-all” provision that threatens to swallow the rule that a
person should receive notice when the government has searched their home or
business. In other provisions, the
bill appears designed to facilitate a talking point that civil liberties will be
protected, when in fact, they are sacrificed. For example, the bill includes a
virtually meaningless right to challenge the gag orders the accompany the secret
records search powers expanded by the Patriot Act. Other changes, such as expressly
acknowledging that a person who receives a demand for records under the Patriot
Act can consult with an attorney about it simply codify concessions the
government has made under the pressure of litigation.
As noted above, the Report does reject the
extreme and unwarranted position advanced by the Senate Permanent Select
Committee on Intelligence to give the FBI the power to write its own subpoenas
for anything from any business in America in intelligence investigations,
without any prior court approval or individualized suspicion connecting the
records to a suspected terrorist.
However, the Report strengthens the power of the FBI to do so for certain
categories of records, including financial records and records about internet
transactions.
In doing so, the Report misses an important
opportunity to correct the unwise expansions of the Patriot Act, especially in
the wake of recent revelations that the FBI is issuing 30,000 National Security
Letters annually. We understand that the Justice
Department is maintaining all of the personal data swept in through these
coercive demands even if the information obtained in these dragnets includes the
records of innocent Americans who have no connection to a suspected foreign
terrorist and have done nothing wrong.
The bill does not even take the extremely modest step of requiring
minimization procedures for information obtained with NSLs (as it does require
for FISA records orders), instead mandating a study of the
issue.
Congress held more than a dozen oversight
hearings about the powers expanded by the Patriot Act, but it took an
investigative reporter to reveal to the American people, and even to key Members
of Congress, that the NSL power has been used tens of thousands of times.
Rather than addressing these revelations, the
Report makes the law worse by creating a federal criminal penalty for any
unauthorized disclosure in violation of a gag that is still potentially
unlimited in time, by adding a plainly unconstitutional standard for challenging
any gag ordered by the FBI, and by converting these coercive letters into
subpoenas. The Report thus takes
several steps backward for civil liberties and fails to require any
individualized connection between records demanded and a suspected
terrorist.
In the wake of this failure in the oversight
process, the Report also neglects to include a short sunset for the NSL powers
to give Congress the leverage it apparently needs to get complete answers about
how these secret powers are being used and whether they are even an effective
use of limited resources. Instead,
some in Congress appear content to receive tardy and generic reports from the
administration about these powers, despite the public outcry.
On top of this, the Conference Report
provides businesses with an illusory right to challenge being gagged from
telling their customers or the press, potentially forever, further entrenching
the secrecy of these inherently abusive powers. The customer or patient or home buyer
whose records are turned over and become part of the FBI databases will likely
never know that his or her privacy has been violated.
For example, there is no indication that the
FBI informed any of the individuals whose rights were violated by FBI or other
federal agents through the use of Patriot Act powers that information was
secretly gathered about them without proper authority. This was revealed in documents
responding to a Freedom of Information Act request filed by the Electronic
Privacy Information Center. The reality is that anyone who is the subject of
unlawful surveillance or unwarranted inclusion in these databases cannot
challenge violations of their constitutional or statutory rights because there
is no way for them to know that it is taking place or has taken place in the
past. Innocent people will likely
never learn that their sensitive financial, medical, Internet or library records
have been gathered. Even if a
person were charged with a crime, he or she might never learn the basis for the
search in the first place. This use
of secret evidence immunizes rumor and innuendo. Deferring to the Attorney General to
develop guidelines to “minimize” the retention of information for only one of
these powers (FISA records orders) will not cure these fundamental
failings.
Much information about consumers’ health, wealth, and daily
transactions is now captured electronically by doctors, banks, and corporations
for which people work or with whom they do business. Without needed reforms to properly focus
precious anti-terrorism resources on suspected terrorists, Americans risk
becoming suspects in their own country without any evidence or factual
connection to a target of a FISA investigation, and the government has in
essence an ever-growing database filled with personal information about innocent
people.
That is one of the reasons why a report on
datamining technology and practices by the Department of Justice, mandated in
the bill, will be a helpful first step toward addressing this substantial threat
to the privacy of all Americans.
This step, however, is overshadowed by the failure to include meaningful
limits on the records gathering powers.
Other positive and negative aspects of the
bill are addressed in the memorandum referenced at the beginning of this
document, but we must also note our disappointment that the Conference Report
chooses to include a number of extraneous provisions that have nothing to do
with the Patriot Act. For example,
although the most extreme proposals for changes to the federal death penalty
system were omitted, the bill still creates a number of new crimes – including
new death penalties – without adequate consideration. Such unrelated legislation has no place
in this debate.
Unfortunately, the Conference Report fails to
fix the most flawed provisions of the Patriot Act, which became law only 45 days
after the September 11 attacks.
This law represented a significant expansion of law enforcement power at
the expense of civil liberties. In
the past year and a half more and more evidence has accumulated about the misuse
or abuse of the Patriot Act’s extraordinary powers. We hope Congress will reject this bill
and embrace the call for meaningful checks on these powers to preserve America’s
legacy of liberty.
Nearly 400 communities, including the
legislatures of seven states, have called on Congress to bring the Patriot Act
into line with the Constitution. In
this Conference Report, despite the tireless efforts of many Members and their
staffs, Congress has squandered the opportunity to do that. We hope you will have the courage to
cast your vote against the Conference Report. Vote for protecting liberty and privacy
by rejecting the continued undermining of the Constitution’s system of checks
and balances that the Patriot Act embodies.
Thank you for considering our views.
Sincerely,
Caroline Fredrickson Director, Washington Legislative Office
Greg Nojeim Associate Director, Washington Legislative Office
[1] The memorandum can
be found at: http://72.3.233.244/safefree/general/22384leg20051207.html
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