ACLU Letter to the Senate Urging Strong Support of Senator Durbin's “No Rendition to Torture” Amendment to the Defense Department Authorization Bill (6/20/2006)
STAND UP FOR THE RULE OF
LAW--AND FOR AMERICAN VALUES OF FREEDOM AND ACCOUNTABILITY.
VOTE “YES” ON THE DURBIN “NO
RENDITION TO TORTURE” AMENDMENT TO THE DEFENSE DEPARTMENT AUTHORIZATION
BILL.
RE: Durbin “No Rendition
to Torture” Amendment to the Defense Department Authorization Bill Helps Restore
the Rule of Law
Dear Senator:
The American Civil Liberties Union strongly urges you to support the “No
Rendition to Torture” Amendment that Senator Durbin will offer to the Defense
Department authorization bill this week.
The No Rendition to Torture Amendment will help restore the rule of
law--and American values of freedom and accountability. The amendment would forever stop the
federal government from secretly kidnapping people and sending them to torture
cells run by foreign governments.
The Federal Government Kidnapped a Canadian Citizen and
Sent Him to a Syrian Torture Cell for Ten Months
The federal government has acted lawlessly in targeting persons,
sometimes on the basis of mistaken identity, kidnapping them without ever making
an arrest or seeking charges in any court, and then shipping them off to foreign
torture cells. In a highly
publicized kidnapping, the federal government seized a Canadian citizen, Maher
Arar, while he was switching planes at John F. Kennedy Airport in New York. The federal government held him in
solitary confinement for nine days without charges or any access to an attorney,
and then flew him through Jordan to Syria.
The federal government did not
stop the Syrian government from brutally torturing the Canadian citizen that the
United States sent to Syria. In a
Syrian torture cell, he was tortured repeatedly, including suffering repeated
whippings with a two-inch thick electrical cable, before being released by Syria
ten months later. The Syrian
government said that it found no connection between the Canadian citizen and any
terrorist or criminal organization or activity. Upon his return home to Canada, the
Canadian government not only did not charge him with any offenses, but instead
opened a formal investigation into why a Canadian citizen was rendered by the
U.S. federal government to torture.
The Federal Government Has Kidnapped and Shipped People to
Torture Countries Such as Syria, Uzbekistan, Egypt, and Yemen
Unfortunately, the kidnapping and
torture of the Canadian citizen is not an isolated example. At the same time that the United States
has condemned numerous countries for torturing and abusing their citizens, the
federal government has shipped persons to those same countries based on nothing
more than a promise that they will not torture them. The federal government has shipped its
kidnapped persons off to a “who’s who” of torture violators--including Syria,
Uzbekistan, Egypt, and Yemen.
The number of persons rendered to
torture by the federal government is potentially large. In fact, the prime minister of
Egypt--which the State Department has found to have a horrific human rights
record--stated on Meet the Press last year that his country alone has received
60-70 persons from the U.S. federal government. The federal government sent those
persons to Egyptian prisons, despite the notorious reputation of Egypt for
maintaining torture cells.
State Department Lawyers Have Gutted the Prohibition Against Sending Persons
to Foreign Torture Cells by Playing Word Games with Federal Laws
Congress has acted at least twice to prohibit the federal government from
transferring persons to foreign countries when “there are substantial grounds
for believing that the person would be in danger of being subjected to
torture.” However, the State
Department now believes that those laws do not apply when the federal government
seizes people outside of the fifty states.
This reckless interpretation of federal law has opened the door to
sending persons to foreign torture cells on the basis of nothing more than a
promise that the foreign country will not engage in torture.
In 1986, at the request of President
Ronald Reagan, the Senate ratified the Convention Against Torture, which
includes a specific provision that prohibits rendering persons to torture. Specifically, the federal
government may not “expel, return, or extradite a person to another State where
there are substantial grounds for believing that he would be in danger of being
subjected to torture.” In 1998,
Congress reinforced this prohibition against rendering a person to torture when
it enacted a law that provides, “[i]t shall be the policy of the United States
not to expel, extradite, or otherwise effect the involuntary return of any
person to a country in which there are substantial grounds for believing the
person would be in danger of being subjected to torture, regardless of whether
the person is physically present in the United States.”
Both the Senate-ratified
Convention Against Torture and the 1998 statute were clear that the federal
government cannot seize a person either in a New York airport or on a European
street and send that person to a torture country, particularly without
meaningful accountability such as U.S. inspection and monitoring of the person’s
confinement. The objective of both
laws is to ensure that the federal government cannot render any person to
torture.
However, the federal government
has gutted enforceability of the law.
State Department lawyers are playing word games with federal law and now
argue that federal law does not prohibit kidnapping persons and sending them to
foreign torture cells.
State Department lawyers now find
no federal prohibition on sending these persons to foreign torture cells
because, in their unprecedented interpretation:
- They believe that the 1998 law does not prohibit
rendering persons to foreign torture cells because the statute provides that not
rendering to torture is the “policy” of the United States--which somehow means,
in their view, that the statute is not a binding prohibition. In this interpretation, the statute is
not a prohibition, but merely advice that was passed by Congress and signed by
the President.
- They believe that the
Senate-ratified Convention Against Torture does not apply to persons that the
federal government kidnaps overseas because they are not “returning” a person to
a torture country. In this view,
“return” of a person can only occur if the person is within U.S. borders. In this baseless definition of “return,”
it does not matter that the person is in the custody or control of the United
States.
- They believe that the
entire Senate-ratified Convention Against Torture is inapplicable to the federal
government when acting outside of the fifty states because an unrelated section
of the treaty discusses a separate duty to pass laws preventing torture in all
United States territory. The result
of this incorrect interpretation of the Senate-ratified treaty is that the
federal government now believes that this law does not prohibit the federal
government from sending persons to foreign torture cells, as long as those
persons are not on U.S. soil at the time that they are in U.S. custody or
control.
The combined result of these
word games by State Department lawyers is that the federal government no longer
views is itself as bound by the Convention Against Torture or by the 1998
statute when it seizes persons overseas and sends them to countries that the
State Department itself documents as engaging in systematic and widespread
torture.
The No Render to Torture Amendment Slams the Door on a Route to Torture
Opened by an Unprecedented Government Interpretation of U.S. Anti-Torture
Law
The No Render to Torture Amendment would forever prohibit the federal
government from sending persons to foreign torture cells. It closes all of the loopholes that have
been opened by unprecedented government interpretations of the Senate-ratified
Convention Against Torture and the 1998 federal statute. Specifically, it provides:
No individual in the
custody or under the physical control of the United States, regardless of
whether the individual is physically present in United States territory, may be
transferred to a country where there are substantial grounds for believing that
the individual would be in danger of being subjected to torture.
This provision reinforces the
longstanding ban against rendering persons to torture, and should withstand any
effort to undermine it.
In addition, the No Render to Torture Amendment requires the government
to report to appropriate congressional committees on the government’s compliance
with the prohibition against rendering persons to torture, and it requires close
State Department inspection and monitoring of a person’s confinement if the
person was sent to a country with a record of human rights violations. These changes to federal law will make
clear that the United States follows the rule of law, and does not tolerate
other countries abandoning the rule of law.
We strongly urge you to stand up
for American values of freedom and accountability by voting for the No Return to
Torture Amendment to the Defense Department authorization bill.
Sincerely,
Caroline Fredrickson Director
Christopher E. Anders Legislative Counsel
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